Creeping censorship in HK

Source: The Guardian (5/18/15)

Creeping censorship in Hong Kong: how China controls sale of sensitive books
The mainland’s economic control of bookshops and media outlets in the territory has resulted in soft censorship and restrictions on what people are able to read
By Ilaria Maria Sala in Hong Kong

Book Fair in Hong Kong

Exhibitors arrange books at a book fair in Hong Kong. Photograph: Vincent Yu/AP

The shop assistant is abrupt when the question comes.

“We are not going to sell that one. Sorry,” he says, when asked for a copy of one of Hong Kong’s most eagerly searched-for books.

And how about Zhao Ziyang’s bestselling Prisoner of the State – an explosive account of what happened behind the scenes during the pro-democracy protest of 1989 in Beijing?

“It might come back,” he says vaguely.

On the surface, there seems to be no censorship in Hong Kong. Unlike the mainland, the web is free, a wide range of newspapers is available, TV news covers demonstrations and protests, and nobody needs to apply for permission to print books. Continue reading Creeping censorship in HK

Interview with Ai Weiwei

From: Magnus Fiskesjo <magnus.fiskesjo@cornell.edu>
Source: Der Spiegel (5/20/15)

Interview with Chinese Artist Ai Weiwei: ‘The State Is Scared’
Interview Conducted By Bernhard Zand

Chinese artist Ai Weiwei in Beijing: "The Internet has established a public sphere and developed a pressure which the government can no longer ignore."

Chinese artist Ai Weiwei in Beijing: “The Internet has established a public sphere and developed a pressure which the government can no longer ignore.” DPA

In a SPIEGEL interview, Chinese artist Ai Weiwei, 57, discusses the continuing repression faced by civil rights activists in China, why he believes progressive change in the country is inevitable and shameful human rights violations in the United States.

SPIEGEL: Ai Weiwei, Amnesty International will present you with its “Ambassador of Conscience Award” this week in Berlin — another honor you will be unable to accept in person because your government still does not allow you to travel abroad. What would you do if your passport were returned to you?

Ai: I would check if all the data is correct and if the passport is valid (laughs). No, I would call my son, of course, who lives with his mother in Berlin and misses me. It is painful for a father to be so limited and far away from your son. He once remarked to his mother: “I’m sure, they will never give him his passport back. I had a dream about this!”SPIEGEL: Your son Ai Lao is six years old. Continue reading Interview with Ai Weiwei

Localism in HK political culture

This FP article provides a brief introduction to localist/ nativist groups in Hong Kong and the idea of Hong Kong as a city state which, while not necessarily practical, certainly sells books, and has had a growing influence on popular culture and political thought.

Kevin Carrico <kjc83@cornell.edu>

Source: Foreign Policy (5/18/15)
Meet the Man Who Wants to Make Hong Kong a City-State
By Suzanne Sataline

HONG KONG-CHINA-POLITICS-DEMOCRACY

HONG KONG – Beneath an elevated subway station, with cars whizzing past, Ray Wong exhorted citizens on a recent Sunday to join a revolution – just not in so many words.

“If we allow communists to prescreen our chief executive,” the head of Hong Kong’s officially independent government, then “the chief executive will not represent us!” Wong boomed into a microphone. He scanned the tide of pedestrians sweeping past, searching for a receptive ear. The city, he said, must reject a Beijing-backed elections plan that’s up for a vote this spring and defy Chinese leaders from exerting more control over Hong Kong. Remember, Wang noted, that the nation silenced the last call for democracy in 1989. “If you do not want the slaughtering-unarmed-students communist government to prescreen our chief executive, we must stand firm and reject this arrangement!” Wong’s lanky frame was decked in a crisp, light blue tee shirt with white letters reading, “Hong Kong Indigenous.” Most shoppers scooted to a nearby mall without looking his way. Continue reading Localism in HK political culture

Eileen Chang and Mao’s language game

Source: NYRB (5/15/15)
Mao’s China: The Language Game
By Perry Link

Buyenlarge/Getty Images. The Farm Boy, a Chinese Communist propaganda woodcut, circa 1950

It can be embarrassing for a China scholar like me to read Eileen Chang’s pellucid prose, written more than sixty years ago, on the early years of the People’s Republic of China. How many cudgels to the head did I need before arriving at comparable clarity? My disillusioning first trip to China in 1973? My reading of the devastating journalism of Liu Binyan in 1980? Observation of bald lies in action at the Tiananmen massacre in 1989 and in the imprisonment of a Nobel Peace laureate in more recent times? Did I need all of this to catch up to where Chang was in 1954 in her understanding of how things worked in Communist China, beneath the blankets of jargon? In graduate school I did not take Chang’s Naked Earth (published in Chinese in 1954 and translated by Chang into English in 1956) and its sister novel, The Rice-Sprout Song (also published in 1954 and translated by Chang into English in 1955), very seriously. People said the works had an anti-Communist bias. How silly.

In Naked Earth, Chang shows how the linguistic grid of a Communist land-reform campaign descends on a village like a giant cookie cutter. There are Poor Farmers, Middling Farmers, Landlords, Bad Elements, and more. When actual life doesn’t fit the prescriptions, so much the worse for actual life. Make it fit. A “cadre” (a technical term for a functionary in the Communist system) complains that the farmers have “always been backward… . All they ever see is the bit of material advantage right in front of them.” This leaves them “afraid to be active.” Perhaps they don’t want to be active? No, answers the organization, they are reticent only because they fear “the revenge of the Remnant Feudal Forces.” When finally coaxed to complain, they sometimes—oops!—complain about the cadres, not the Landlords. Continue reading Eileen Chang and Mao’s language game

New book on CR at Tsinghua

Source: H-PRC (5/14/15)

Important new book on the Cultural Revolution at Tsinghua

This winter, half a century will have passed since the occurrence of the first in a long sequence of events in China conventionally called the Cultural Revolution. We may soon expect a high tide of articles, op-eds, scholarship, books, workshops, TV specials, YouTubes, tweets, and whatnot. The first books have already appeared, among them a hefty 1,500-page tome on what took place at Tsinghua University in Beijing entitled 《历史拒绝遗忘——清华十年文革回忆反思集》edited by 孙怒涛. An anthology – its editor’s introduction is reprinted here: http://www.cccpress.com/gb/?action-viewnews-itemid-142 – with highly interesting contributions by ageing former students, teachers, and staff, it argues that “清华文革是中国文革的缩影,存留真史是我们最后的责任”. Its publisher is the China Cultural Communication Press in Hong Kong, a lean and mean outfit that boasts an impressive list ( http://www.cccpress.com/gb/?action-viewnews-itemid-142 ) of imprints on the ”ten years of turmoil.” Warmly recommended!

Michael Schoenhals

What it means to be liberal or conservative in China

Here’s link to an abstract (you can download the complete essay there as well) of the Pan/Xu paper mentioned in the article below. Also find a link to an NYT piece about the survey:

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2593377
http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/04/15/world/document-china-ideological-survey.html

Han Meng <hanmeng@gmail.com>

Source: China File, Foreign Policy (4/24/15)
What it Means to Be ‘Liberal’ or ‘Conservative’ in China
Putting the country’s most significant political divide in context.
By TAISU ZHANG

When Harvard researcher Jennifer Pan and MIT researcher Yiqing Xu posted a widely cited new paper, “China’s Ideological Spectrum” on April 12, it marked the first time that anyone has provided large-scale empirical data on the ideological shifts and trends within the Chinese population. China scholars have, of course, lavished attention on these issues for years — one cannot build a coherent argument about Chinese political and social change without grappling with them — but their arguments were largely based on personal experiences and anecdotes. The Pan and Xu paper therefore did academic and policy circles a significant service by providing a firmer foundation for such discussion.

The paper is not intended as an accurate temperature reading of the Chinese population’s ideological leanings. A voluntary online survey, with its inherent selection biases, cannot do that. What it can do, however, is measure a number of relative and relational factors: which beliefs correlate positively or negatively with each other, whether different regions lean in different directions, and whether exogenous factors such as income or education affect those relative leanings. (The excerpted image above this article shows unweighted data for provincial ideological rank; the most liberal provinces are blue, the most conservative are red, and those in the middle are purple. Grey areas indicate insufficient data.) Continue reading What it means to be liberal or conservative in China

Fukuyama on China’s political development

Source: Sinosphere, NYT (5/1/15)
Q. and A.: Francis Fukuyama on China’s Political Development

On Tiananmen Square in Beijing, during the 18th Communist Party Congress in November 2012, a large-screen projection video celebrated the party and China's recent strides.

On Tiananmen Square in Beijing, during the 18th Communist Party Congress in November 2012, a large-screen projection video celebrated the party and China’s recent strides.Credit Sim Chi Yin for The New York Times

Francis Fukuyama’s widely read essay “The End of History?” — published just before the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 — posited that Western liberal democracy may turn out to be the endpoint of political development. So when Mr. Fukuyama laid out what he considered the weaknesses of the American political system in a new book last year, “Political Order and Political Decay,” the Chinese state news media immediately asserted that he had altered his views and now considered state capacity, like that of China during the last 35 years of rapid economic development under Communist Party rule, as more important for a country’s prosperity than democracy.

Francis Fukuyama.

Francis Fukuyama.Credit Noah Berger for The New York Times

But Mr. Fukuyama, a political scientist at Stanford University, responded that this was a misreading. “My argument is that an effective political system has to balance state capacity against rule of law and democracy,” he said last November. “I think in the United States and certain other democratic countries, the emphasis has been so much on the constraint of state power that we end up not being able to make difficult decisions. But I think China is the opposite, and that’s not a good situation either.”

In an interview last month, he discussed what China’s past and present portend for its future political development:

Q. China plays a major role in your last two books, “The Origins of Political Order” and “Political Order and Political Decay.” Why?

A. China really invented modern bureaucracy at the time of the Qin and Han dynasties, with relatively impersonal forms of official selections and bureaucratic rules. But for me, there’s a big empirical question: You can see certain similarities between those traditions in ancient China and the system that governs China today, but I think we know relatively little empirically about how the Chinese government works.
Continue reading Fukuyama on China’s political development

Billionare Wang Jianlin

Source: NYT (4/28/15)
Wang Jianlin, a Billionaire at the Intersection of Business and Power in China
By MICHAEL FORSYTHE

An IMAX Wanda theater in Beijing. Wang Jianlin’s network of movie theaters became the world’s largest in 2012 with the purchase of AMC. Credit Ng Han Guan/ Associated Press

HONG KONG — He controls thousands of movie screens around the world, serving more filmgoers than any other cinema chain. He has invested billions of dollars in real estate projects across four continents. He is building skyscrapers that will redraw the skylines of London and Chicago. He is shopping for a Hollywood studio.

There are as many as 430 billionaires in China, more than in any country besides the United States. But Wang Jianlin stands out, and not just because he is the richest person in Asia, with a fortune estimated at more than $35 billion.

As his real estate and entertainment empire expands overseas, Mr. Wang, 60, has emerged as the rare private-sector tycoon in a position to advance Beijing’s interests abroad, with clout in industries and communities around the world.

Continue reading Billionare Wang Jianlin

Lawsuit over banned memoir

Source: NYT (4/25/15)
Lawsuit Over Banned Memoir Asks China to Explain Censorship
By IAN JOHNSON

“Li Rui’s Oral Account of Past Events” was published in 2013 in Hong Kong. Credit Sim Chi Yin for The New York Times

BEIJING — When Li Nanyang flew here from Hong Kong two years ago, she brought something eagerly anticipated by many Chinese historians and thinkers: several dozen copies of her father’s memoir. In it, Li Rui, a 98-year-old retired Communist Party official, offered an unvarnished, insider’s account of his experiences in the leadership.

But as Ms. Li passed through customs at the airport, the authorities seized the books, an experience shared increasingly by Chinese travelers arriving home.

Though China’s censorship of the Internet is widely known, its aggressive efforts to intercept publications being carried into the country have received less notice. Ms. Li hopes to change that with a lawsuit she has filed in Beijing challenging the legality of the airport seizures. She doubts she will get her books back, but she is seeking something perhaps more potent: an official explanation for an act of censorship. Continue reading Lawsuit over banned memoir

Language and Ideology in Nationalist and Communist China

Sino-Platonic Papers is pleased to announce the publication of its two-hundred-and-fifty-sixth issue:

Language and Ideology in Nationalist and Communist China, edited by Victor H. Mair.

http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp256_china_language_ideology.pdf

The work includes an introduction by Prof. Mair and four essays:

“Political Ideology and Character Simplification under the Nationalist Government,” by Katie Odhner

“The Cultural Influence of the Taiwanese Language in Mainland China,” by Wei Shao

“The Sociopolitics of Language: Bilingual Education in Tibet,” by Nora Castle

“From Xu Bing to Shu Yong: Linguistic Phenomena in Chinese Installation Art,” by Petya Andreeva

This and all other issues of Sino-Platonic Papers are available in full for no charge.

To view our catalog, visit: http://www.sino-platonic.org/

Victor H. Mair

New Qing History targeted (1)

Another take (funny, too) on the attack.
Magnus Fiskesjö <magnus.fiskesjo@cornell.edu

Source: Jottings from the Granite Studio (4/23/15)
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences throwing shade at The New Qing History
By Jeremiah Jenne

The idea of Manchu Sinicization is a hobgoblin unlikely to die anytime soon in China. Historians affiliated with what has become known as the “New Qing History” have been attempting to complicate this narrative for nearly three decades, and while scholars overseas — and even a few within China — are starting to come around, the dominant narrative inside China remains that the Manchus succeeded in ruling because, unlike earlier non-Han dynasties, they assimilated and adopted Chinese styles of rule and other cultural values. Indeed, according to the most strident adherents of “Sinicization”, the Manchus couldn’t help but assimilate once they encountered the vastly superior civilization of China.

Earlier this month, I came across an article in the China Daily on the study of Manchu language in China today and how this “archaic language is helping historians to solve Qing mysteries.” Sadly, after a few mentions of Manchu-language sources on the architectural and material culture of the Forbidden City and other imperial sites, the article descends into hoary and outdated old tropes:

According to Tong Yue, a Qing history expert from Shenyang, in northeastern Liaoning province, where the Manchu originated, the decline of the language started the moment this ethnic people sought to rule over the entire land of China, in the early 17th century.

“The Manchu people, similar to the Mongols 400 years before, came from the northeast to sweep the country by sheer military might, at a time when Han rulers – from the Chinese majority group – had become corrupt and weak,” he said. “Dutiful students of history, the Manchu had from the very beginning tried to avoid the fatal mistake committed by the Mongols.

“Instead of imposing on their subjects everything Manchu, the Qing rulers, awed by the much more sophisticated form of civilization they encountered in Central China, borrowed enthusiastically from this newfound cultural wealth, including the language.” Continue reading New Qing History targeted (1)

New Qing History targeted

Source: China Media Project (4/22/15)
A righteous view of history

We wrote recently about a rising tide of animosity in China’s state press against the “infiltration” of Western ideas in Chinese education and scholarship — and provided a full translation of a hard-line essay decrying the “westernization” of economics education.

The latest target, it seems, is historical scholarship.

In a high-minded article posted on Monday to the official website of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences — and published in its official journal, Chinese Social Sciences Today — Li Zhiting (李治亭) of the National Qing Dynasty History Compilation Committee (国家清史编纂委员会) attacked a handful of American sinologists, ridiculing their work in the field of “New Qing History” as “pseudo-academic.”

new qing history

American historians Pamela Crossley, Mark Elliot and James Millward are singled out for abuse in a recent essay from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

The following is the concluding paragraph of the essay:

“New Qing History” is academically absurd, and politically does damage to the unity of China. It is necessary to stir all scholars with a sense of righteousness to fiercely oppose it. We entirely reject “New Qing History.” Moreover, we expose its mask of pseudo-academic scholarship, eliminating the deleterious effect it has had on scholarship in China!

The final exclamation point in the above paragraph is in fact exclamation point number 88, making for an average of just under ten exclamation points per online page. Most readers of the piece could not fail to note the clear political bias at work — not to mention the unwarranted (in academic discourse) aggression. The essay, in fact, is not about historical scholarship at all, but about China’s current ideological climate. Continue reading New Qing History targeted

Who are the Uyghurs

Source: Chronache Internazionali.com (4/23/15)
Who Are The Uyghurs? Interview with Prof. Thum
By Elio Caia

image-8944

Prof. Rian Thum is Assistant Professor at Loyola University, New Orleans. His research background focuses on Inner Asian and Altaic Studies, with a focus on Uyghur people, the ethnic minority that live in the Chinese Autonomous Region of Xinjiang. After reading his latest book, The Sacred Route to Uyghur History, published by Harvard University Press (2014), we had the chance to interview Prof. Thum, in order to better understand who Uighur people are and what is their history.

Q: Prof. Thum, first of all thank you very much for accepting our interview.  In the last ten years the interest in the area of Chinese Studies raised dramatically, also outside the scholars’ circles. Everybody who has a basic knowledge of China is aware of the fact that many different ethnicities live inside the country. But, with the exceptions of Tibetans, we do not know much about them. How much interest there is in Uyghurs? And to what degree research is developing on this issue?

A: Interest in the Uyghurs has grown substantially over the last decade. The increased attention to China, which you mentioned, has expanded the audience for news about the Uyghurs, and especially Uyghur acts of resistance against the Chinese state. The common portrayal of the Uyghurs as China’s Islamic resistance taps into common anxieties about both China and Islam, which makes it more likely that Uyghur news reaches the front pages of major newspapers. But there is also a growth in scholarly interest that departs from this distorting focus. There are far more graduate students interested in Uyghur issues than there were when I began my PhD in 2002. And there is now a substantial number of scholars to train them, people who were able to learn Uyghur on the ground, after Xinjiang opened up to foreigners in the late 1980s. Continue reading Who are the Uyghurs

more on Gao Yu’s sentence (1)

Back in 2013, when I shared the news from Weibo on the “seven silences” (七個不要講- my alliterative translation that never quite caught on), now closely linked to Document No. 9, some colleagues dismissively suggested that I (among others) was turning MCLC into a site to share “rumors.”

I wish that was the case. Unfortunately, Document No. 9 and its listing of forbidden topics have now long since been confirmed through various channels, including the arbitrary imprisonment of journalist Gao Yu. As is so often the case, these are not rumors–in my opinion, no one could make this kind of stuff up.

Hopefully those once so outraged at the distribution of supposed “rumors” on MCLC might feel a similar sense of outrage at the outrageous treatment of Gao Yu, a 71 year old journalist currently serving a seven year sentence solely on account of her determination to help people better understand the full complexity of contemporary China.

Kevin Carrico <kjc83@cornell.edu>

China’s race problem

Source: Foreign Affairs (May/June 2015)
China’s Race Problem: How Beijing Represses Minorities
By Gray Tuttle

Unfree Tibet: near the Jokhang Temple, in Lhasa, Tibet, March 2014 (Reuters / Jacky Chen)

For all the tremendous change China has experienced in recent decades—phenomenal economic growth, improved living standards, and an ascent to great-power status—the country has made little progress when it comes to the treatment of its ethnic minorities, most of whom live in China’s sparsely populated frontier regions. This is by no means a new problem. Indeed, one of those regions, Tibet, represents one of the “three Ts”—taboo topics that the Chinese government has long forbidden its citizens to discuss openly. (The other two are Taiwan and the Tiananmen Square uprising of 1989.)

But analyses of China’s troubles in Tibet and other areas that are home to large numbers of ethnic minorities often miss a crucial factor. Many observers, especially those outside China, see Beijing’s repressive policies toward such places primarily as an example of the central government’s authoritarian response to dissent. Framing the situation that way, however, misses the fact that Beijing’s hard-line policies are not merely a reflection of the central state’s desire to cement its authority over distant territories but also an expression of deep-seated ethnic prejudices and racism at the core of contemporary Chinese society. In that sense, China’s difficulties in Tibet and other regions are symptoms of a deeper disease, a social pathology that is hardly ever discussed in China and rarely mentioned even in the West. Continue reading China’s race problem

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