Projects

The Costly Pursuit of Self-Esteem
Transcending the Self by Affirming Important Values
Jennifer Crocker’s Google Scholar profile 

 

Current Projects

Current research in the Self and Social Motivation Lab explores how people create what they and others experience—for better or worse. We find that people often create what they don’t want—emotional distress, relationship problems, lack of progress toward important goals—when they pursue self-esteem or attempt to construct desired images of themselves. Fortunately, our research also shows that people can often create what they do want—psychological well-being, supportive relationships, and progress toward important goals—when they pursue compassionate goals reflecting ecosystem motivation. While recognizing the power of situations to shape people’s motivational states, we view people as having agency to become the architects of their lives, constructing their emotional, interpersonal, and achievement experiences, creating the reality they experience by shifting from being motivated by the egosystem to the ecosystem. Within this broad framework, we have several programs of research.

Egosystem and Ecosystem Motivational Perspectives
Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Affect and Mental Health
Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Learning
Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Relationships
Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Physical Health
Measurement, Culture, and Compassionate Goals

The Costly Pursuit of Self-Esteem

This program of research evolved from earlier work in our laboratory on the costly pursuit of self-esteem.  This research examines the consequences of pursuing self-esteem–trying to prove or demonstrate that one satisfies contingencies of self-worth (Crocker, Luhtanen, Cooper, & Bouvrette, 2003; Crocker & Park, 2004; Crocker & Wolfe, 2001). Our research showed that in areas where people invest self-esteem (e.g., academic success, appearance), they are highly vulnerable to failure or setbacks (Crocker, Sommers, & Luhtanen, 2002; Crocker, Karpinski, Quinn, & Chase, 2003), adopt self-validation goals (Park & Crocker, 2008; Niiya & Crocker, 2009), and self-handicap when success is uncertain (Niiya, Brook, & Crocker, 2009). We also examine whether learning orientations (e.g., mastery goals, incremental theories of ability, learning from failure goals) provide a solution to the costs of contingent self-worth. Early studies (Niiya, Crocker, & Bartmess, 2004; Niiya & Crocker, 2007) suggested that incremental theories of intelligence and mastery goals buffer contingent self-worth from failure; these learning orientations seem to protect people with contingent self-worth from the negative emotional consequences of failure. However, our more recent research suggests that when people with contingent self-worth have learning orientations, they remain ego-involved in success and failure (Niiya & Crocker, 2008). Mastery goals and incremental theories alter the conditions under which people with contingent self-esteem are vulnerable to failure—they are vulnerable when they exert effort and still fail.

Transcending the Self by Affirming Important Values

Our work on egosystem and ecosystem was also informed by research on self-affirmation.  Previous research has repeatedly shown that writing about an important value, compared to writing about an unimportant value, reduces defensiveness in response to self-threatening information. For example, studies have shown that writing about important values increases coffee drinkers’ acceptance of information about the negative health effects of drinking coffee. These findings are usually interpreted as evidence that affirming the self reduces defensiveness. Researchers have assumed that writing about important values boosts self-images, self-esteem, or mood, suggesting that people need to feel good about themselves before they can accept potentially threatening information. However, 20 years of research has produced almost no evidence that these boosts to the self account for the effect.

We found that writing about important values induces positive, other-directed feelings such as love and connection, which account for greater acceptance of threatening information (Crocker, Niiya, & Mischkowski, 2008). Study 1 showed that writing about an important value increased feelings of love and connection compared to a control condition. Study 2 replicated this effect, and showed that loving and connected feelings, but not positive or negative self-directed feelings, completely accounted for the effect of the values-affirmation manipulation on smokers’ acceptance of information that smoking harms health. These studies, in concert with previous research, suggest that values-affirmation reduces defensiveness via transcending the self, rather than self-integrity (i.e., self-worth or self-images). This research supports a growing body of research suggesting that caring about others or about something larger than the self has beneficial effects.

Egosystem and Ecosystem Motivational Perspectives

Research in the Self and Social Motivation Laboratory focuses on two distinct motivational perspectives on the relationship between self and others—egosystem and ecosystem perspectives—and the interpersonal goals they inspire—self-image goals and compassionate goals (Crocker, 2008; Crocker, Olivier, & Nuer, 2009; Crocker & Canevello, 2018).

Like a camera lens zooming in on the self, people with an egosystem perspective focus on themselves and their own needs and desires. They view the relationship between the self and others as competitive or zero-sum–one person’s gain is another’s loss. They evaluate and judge people, including themselves, and they expect evaluation and judgment from others. They are concerned with the impressions others hold of them, leading to self-consciousness and social anxiety. They focus on proving themselves, demonstrating their desired qualities, validating their worth, and establishing their deservingness. In this framework, people prioritize their own perceived needs over those of others. Constructing, inflating, maintaining, and defending desired self-images becomes a means to satisfy their needs by convincing others of their value and worth. Consequently, people with an egosystem motivational perspective tend to have self-image goals.

In biology, an ecosystem is a community of species together with its physical environment, considered as a unit. In a healthy ecosystem, the species fulfill each other’s biological needs for nutrients, oxygen, carbon dioxide, light and shade, etc., creating an often delicate balance of mutually interdependent life. Harm to one element of the ecosystem can negatively affect all species in the ecosystem. We draw on the biological notion of an ecosystem as a metaphor for a perspective in which the self is part of a larger whole, a system of separate individuals whose actions nonetheless have consequences for others, with repercussions for the entire system, that ultimately affect the ability of everyone to satisfy their fundamental needs. Like a camera lens aimed at the self but zoomed out, people with an ecosystem motivational perspective see themselves and their own needs and desires as part of a larger system of interconnected people (and other living things), who also have needs and desires. We propose that with an ecosystem perspective, people view the relationship between the self and others as non-zero-sum because the well-being of the system depends on the well-being of each of its parts, and harm to one part ripples through the system, ultimately affecting the self. With an ecosystem perspective, people prioritize the needs of others, not out of virtue or self-sacrifice, but because they understand these connections and consequently care about the well-being of others. Consequently, people with an ecosystem perspective tend to have compassionate goals.

 

Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Affect and Mental Health

Compassionate and self-image goals predict people’s affective experiences.  When people have compassionate goals, they feel more cooperative with others, which fosters feeling calm, clear, connected, and peaceful (Crocker & Canevello, 2008; Canevello & Crocker, 2017).  In contrast, when people have self-image goals, they feel competitive with others, which fosters feeling afraid, confused, conflicted, and isolated (Crocker & Canevello, 2008).

We have also examined the effects of compassionate and self-image goals for anxiety and depression. We found that when people have self-image goals, they become more anxious and depressed, whereas when people have compassionate goals they become less anxious and depressed over time (Crocker, Canevello, Breines, & Flynn, 2010). We examined both intrapsychic and interpersonal explanations for these findings. Intrapsychically, compassionate goals appear to reduce depression and anxiety in part because they foster meaning in life, especially goal clarity, whereas self-image goals appear to increase depression and anxiety in part because people with these goals feel pressured. Interpersonally, people with compassionate goals both give and receive more support; giving support uniquely predicts decreases in symptoms of anxiety and depression over time. Controlling for support given, receiving support does not predict decreased symptoms.

Subsequent work led by Thane Erickson has examined the role of self-image and compassionate goals as interpersonal maintenance factors in clinical depression and anxiety (Erickson, Granillo, Crocker, Abelson, Reas, & Quach, 2018).  We tested effects of compassionate versus self-image goals on interpersonal functioning and symptoms in clinically depressed and/or anxious participants during 10 days of experience sampling, over a 6-week follow-up, and in a dyadic relationship. Participants reported higher conflict and symptoms on days that they most pursued self-image goals, but noted higher perceived support and lower symptoms when pursuing compassionate goals. Goals prospectively predicted symptom changes 6 weeks later.

 

Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Learning

Growth-seeking orientation refers to a general tendency characterized by striving to learn, grow, and improve in the face of difficulties and challenges. People high in growth-seeking tend to adopt more effective strategies in response to life challenges and experience greater psychological well-being than those low in growth-seeking. We examined whether and how benevolent intentions to support others and not harm them (i.e., compassionate goals in relationships) predict growth-seeking, and whether this association is independent of relationship security, which may also predict growth-seeking (Jiang, Canevello, & Crocker, 2022). Two cross-sectional studies (Studies 1a and 1b, N = 1032) and two longitudinal studies (Study 2: 3-wave weekly survey, N = 404; Study 3: 12-wave weekly survey, N = 230) showed that compassionate goals correlate with growth-seeking and predict increased growth-seeking over time through perceived available support. The results hold after controlling for participants’ (Studies 1-3) and their partners’ (Study 3) relationship security, which suggests that compassionate goals may foster growth-seeking through perceived available support independent of relationship security. This research provides new insights into how interpersonal relationships help people pursue personal growth.

The belief that difficulties can lead to growth in relationships, or growth belief, has consequences for relationships (e.g., C. R. Knee, 1998). But what predicts change in this belief? We hypothesized that compassionate goals to support others predict increased growth belief through increased need satisfaction (Canevello & Crocker, 2011). . In Study 1, 199 college freshmen reported their friendship growth belief and goals. In Study 2, 65 roommate pairs reported their roommate growth belief, goals, and need satisfaction. Across studies, compassionate goals predicted increased growth belief. In Study 2, goals predicted increased perceived mutual need satisfaction, which predicted increased growth belief. Additionally, partners’ compassionate goals predicted actors’ increased growth belief. Results suggest that growth beliefs are shaped by goals—one’s own and others’.

 

Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Relationships

Much of the work in the Self and Social Motivation Lab over the past 15 years has examined the implications of egosystem and ecosystem motivation for relationships.  Here, we highlight some key findings and mention a other papers that interested people may want to read.

Social support.  Compassionate goals can create supportive relationships, and self-image goals can undermine them. In a longitudinal study, we found that students with chronic compassionate goals experienced increases in perceived available social support in the first semester of college (Crocker & Canevello, 2008, Study 1). These effects were attenuated by self-image goals; when students’ had higher chronic self-image goals, their compassionate goals no longer predicted changes in support and trust across the semester. In a study of freshman roommates, we found that students’ (actors’) chronic compassionate goals predicted increases in their roommates’ (partners’) reports of social support they received from the actor, which predicted increases in the social support partners gave back to actors, which predicted increases in the support that actors reported receiving, but only when actors did not have self-image goals (Crocker & Canevello, 2008, Study 2). When actors had high chronic self-image goals, their compassionate goals did not predict changes in partners’ reports of support given and received. In sum, when students had high compassionate goals and low self-image goals, they gave more support to roommates and roommates felt supported. As a result, roommates gave support in return, which made students feel supported. Through their own goals, students created or undermined the supportiveness of their roommate relationships.

Subsequent research by David Lee and colleagues examined whether compassionate goals not only predict giving any social support, but specifically predict giving support that effectively addresses others’ needs (Lee, Jiang, Canevello, & Crocker, 2021). Four studies examined the role of compassionate goals in providing support that addresses recipients’ needs (‘matching’ support). Because people with compassionate goals are motivated to promote others’ well-being, we hypothesizee that they would be more likely to engage in perspective taking, which should help them identify and give matching support. Consistent with this hypothesis, providers’ compassionate goals were associated with a greater intention to give matching support (Studies 1–3) and giving matching support in the real world (Study 4). This effect was partially mediated by providers’ greater perspective taking of recipients’ needs (Study 3). Collectively, these studies highlight the role of prosocial motivations in successful support provision.

Reaponsiveness.  Perceived partner responsiveness is a core feature of close, satisfying relationships. But how does responsiveness originate? Can people create relationships characterized by high responsiveness and consequently higher quality relationships? We proposed that compassionate goals contribute to cycles of responsiveness between two people, improving relationship quality for both of them (Canevello & Crocker, 2010). The present studies examine (a) how interpersonal goals initiate responsiveness processes in close relationships, (b) the self-perpetuating nature of these processes, and (c) how responsiveness evolves dynamically over time through both intrapersonal projection and reciprocal interpersonal relationship processes. In a semester-long study of 115 roommate dyads, actors’ compassionate and self-image goals predicted a cycle of responsiveness between roommates, occurring within weeks and across the semester. In a 3-week study of 65 roommate dyads, actors’ goals again predicted cycles of responsiveness between roommates, which then contributed to both actors’ and partners’ relationship quality. Both projection and reciprocation of responsiveness associated with compassionate goals create upward spirals of responsiveness that ultimately enhanced relationship quality for both people.

The responsiveness to relationship partners linked to compassionate goals fosters changes in the self-concept.  For example, Jiang and colleagues showed that compassionate goals predict increased responsiveness, which leads to more interdependent self-construals (i.e., includingclose others as part of one’s self-concept; Jiang, Canevello, Gore, & Crocker, 2017). Compassionate goals also lead to increased self-esteem in both partners in a dyadic relationship via responsiveness (Canevello & Crocker, 2011).

Zero-sum beliefs about close relationships. Ecosystem motivation is characterized by concern about the well-being of other people in addition to oneself.  Accordingly, we hypothesized that when people have compassionate goals, they tend to view relationships in general, and relationship conflict in particular, as nonzero-sum in nature.  Because people are connected to one another and thrive when their social environments and social relationships are healthy, the well-being of one person affects the well-being of others.  Initial research supported this idea (Crocker & Canevello, 2008). For example, people with compassionate goals are more likely to disagree with the idea that one person’s success depends on another person’s failure, and “in order to succeed in this world, it is sometimes necessary to step on others along the way.”

In subsequent work, we tested the idea that compassionate goals predict increased nonzero-sum beliefs about conflict in relationships through increased responsiveness, and that change in nonzero-sum beliefs in turn predict change in relationship quality through increased optimism about coping with relationship difficulties Results of two longitudinal studies supported these ideas (Crocker, Canevello, & Lewis, 2017).

More recently, Tao Jiang’s dissertation examined the role of nonzero-sum beliefs as predictors constructive and destructive responses to relationship conflict (Jiang, forthcoming).

Ecosystem approaches to relationship difficulties. Bringing many of these ideas together, we proposed that people with ecosystem motivation have a distinct style of approaching difficulties when relationship problems arise, and that these “ecosystem approaches” lead to improved communication with relationship partners, from the perspective of themselves and their partners.  Five studies provided evidence in support of these ideas (Canevello & Crocker, in preparation).

Change in attachment security.  Over time, these processes can lead to change in people’s feelings of security within their close relationships.  We hypothesized that self‐image goals to construct, defend, and maintain desired images of the self can enhance relationship insecurity, whereas compassionate goals to support others diminish relationship insecurity (Canevello, Granillo, & Crocker, 2013). Study 1 followed 115 new college roommates for 3 weeks; Study 2 followed 230 new college roommates across a semester. Both studies assessed self‐image and compassionate goals for and anxiety and avoidance in the roommate relationship. Self‐image goals predicted increased relationship anxiety and avoidance across 3 weeks (Study 1) and within weeks, from week to week, and across 3 months (Study 2). Compassionate goals consistently predicted decreased relationship anxiety and avoidance across studies and analyses. These results suggest that through their interpersonal goals, people contribute directly to their own relationship insecurity.

Consequences of Compassionate and Self-Image Goals for Physical Health

We have long thought that interpersonal goals may be linked to physical health (Canevello & Crocker, 2011).  Self-image goals predict increases in psychological stress and anxiety, which are linked both to reports of physical symptoms, and to the physiological stress response, particularly ATCH and cortisol, hormones involved in the fight or flight response.  Sustained high levels of cortisol have a variety of negative health effects.  James Abelson and Thane Erickson examined these processes using the Trier Social Stress Task (TSST), in which participants are asked to give a speech before an evaluative and unresponsive audience of judges.  The TSST is the most reliable psychological elicitor of cortisol, likely because it triggers image management concerns.  In an elegant experiment, Abelson, Erickson, and their colleagues showed that inducing participants to have compassionate goals during the TSST, eliminated the typical increase in cortisol levels (Abelson et al., 2011).

More recently, researchers in our lab have examined the implications of interpersonal goals and the sequelae (e.g., mutual support) for inflammation, as indicated by biomarkers like CRP and IL-6 (Keaveney, Crocker, Lewis, & Way, 2015; Jiang, Yakin, Crocker, & Way, 2022).

Another project has examined the association between social media use and physical health (Lee et al., 2022).  A great deal of research has examined social media use and its relation to psychological well—being, but very little work has examined whether social media use has beneficial or detrimental links to physical health.  We are currently examining how the interpersonal goals people have when using social media shape physical health outcomes and biomarkers of inflammation.

Finally, in 2020, when the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic struck, we wondered whether interpersonal goals predict the frequency with which people do behaviors that can protect themselves and others from infection with the virus that causes COVID (Ospina et al., 2021).  Compassionate goals unrelated to the health context predicted COVID-19 health behaviors better than the general motivation to be healthy (Studies 2 and 3). In contrast, general health motivation predicted general health behaviors better than did compassionate goals. Compassionate goals and political ideology each explained unique variance in COVID-19 health behaviors (Studies 1–3). Compassionate goals predict unique variance in COVID-19 health behaviors beyond empathic concern, communal orientation, and relational self-construal (Study 3), supporting the unique contribution of compassionate goals to understanding health behaviors. Our results suggest that ecosystem motivation is an important predictor of health behaviors, particularly in the context of a highly contagious disease.  We are currently examining whether interpersonal goals predict willingness to be vaccinated against the virus that causes COVID.

Measurement, Culture, and Compassionate Goals

Another ongoing focus of our research has concerned how best to measure compassionate goals, whether they predict outcomes beyond other measures of prosocial orientations, and whether these goals differ by culture. Compassionate goals seem generally similar in a variety of cultures, including the U.S., Japan (Niiya, Crocker, & Mischkowski, 2013; Niiya & Crocker, 2019), Poland (Kuncewicz, Niiya, and Crocker, 2015), and China (Zhang, Zhang, & Crocker, 2012).

Because compassionate goals bear a “family resemblance” to several other measures of prosocial orientations, we also have examined how overlapping vs. distinct compassionate goals are from measures of empathic concern, communal orientation, compassionate love, and so on (Canevello & Crocker, 2020; Ospina et al., 2021). Although compassionate goals are clearly related to these other constructs, they are not identical, and compassionate goals predict unique variance in several outcomes, from giving to gratitude to COVID health behaviors.