Posts

Equity within education is achievable through public policy if diverse, intersectional experiences are listened to and utilized when forming and implementing childhood education policy. Early childhood education is the foundation upon which children form their understandings about knowledge, friendships, discipline, and history; therefore, it is essential that children of all backgrounds, in every region of the country, have access to quality, equitable education.

Recent political and social changes coinciding with the global pandemic have exposed heinous inequities within the United States public education system. As millions of students transitioned from in-person to remote learning, it became quite clear that a child’s socioeconomic status determines the quality of education they receive and, in turn, how they perform academically. Whether it is the inaccessibility of reliable internet sources for millions of children or the lack of accommodations and resources for disabled students, these recent insights prove that economic inequality directly translates to educational inequity. 

Economic, racial, and educational gaps

The U.S. economic gap translates to a funding gap of public schools, which then leads to gaps in access to quality education for children in already marginalized communities — intersections of race, gender, class, and other divisions coincide with this economic gap, thus intertwining these oppressive institutions with public education. The issue of funding gaps have massive material outcomes: even if they are larger in size, districts made up of students of color are less funded than predominantly white school districts — this discrepancy being in the billions. Thus, Black and brown students in already marginalized communities are at an inherent disadvantage when it comes to achieving upward economic and social mobility. 

After addressing and understanding the unequal foundation that our public education is built upon, it is essential to dissect what this means for American children everywhere. The underfunding of public schools means lack of resources and accommodations, inadequate education, limited opportunity for students, higher dropout rates, the perpetuation of generational poverty — all of these results coalesce into our current unequal “educational gap.”

Education gap not felt equally

The aforementioned effects of the educational gap are not mutually exclusive from one another, as they often overlap and create multi-faceted layers of inequity for millions of American children. Disabled students face accommodation barriers in environments and schools without adequate technological access, therefore preventing them from receiving the education they deserve. In a working environment that is increasingly reliant on knowledge and higher education, Black and brown students exposed to poor resources and education suffer in disproportionate ways. 

Teaching accurate, quality education for all

Another issue sustains American educational inequity, and that is the history of school curriculum that promotes whitewashed history and knowledge through instructional methods that do not prioritize the inclusion of all — especially Black — perspectives. Our society will be unable to unpack the history of racism and inequality if our students are taught the history of American slavery and its impact on the development of this nation with inaccurate textbooks.

The Southern Poverty Law Center found teaching the history of slavery inaccurately in public schools has continued to fail children because it does precisely recall the time period. Importantly, Black children are not taught the impact of the Black community on abolition through the exclusion of historical documents and primary resources from academia. The same study found that our textbooks teach American slavery in a superficial way, meaning slavery is not taught as institution. With this severe lack of historical context, students everywhere are not educated about the systematic implications of slavery and anti-Black racism. 

Educational equity is essential for societal equity

The aforementioned failures in our public education system matter. By not meeting the needs of students and the school districts they live in, millions of children are being underserved in their education. Upward social and economic mobility cannot be achieved if school districts in marginalized communities lack adequate funding, education, and teachers. However, creating just and equitable public policy has the ability to dismantle cyclical, generational, racial, and gendered poverty — our public education policy must focus on this goal. 

Introduction

Colonialism has connected the world through means of force, in which the most violent nation becomes the victor as they’re able to gain, exert, and manipulate the power they have stolen from those they oppress. To sustain this power, first world countries have formulated capitalism into a global system — thereby ensuring all nations and their respective economies are interdependent, with the first world as the beneficiary. 

Inherent to capitalism is the exploitation of labor — as capitalism infiltrates every institution of society, so does exploitation. The labor situation in the third world is emblematic of this exploitative relationship between the first and third world that is based in capitalism. Specifically, it is the third world woman worker that inherits the responsibility of sustaining a global capitalist system that they are simultaneously exploited by.

Settler colonialism expresses that the focus of the settlers is the land; from there land is transformed into property; once property is established, there is displacement and replacement of peoples through means of violence. After the property is obtained by the colonizer, forced labor — usually from displaced peoples — is utilized to access the land’s resources. Too much is never enough, and the colonizer acquires excess from these resources and this labor. In all of this, there is profitability that relies upon the level of exploitation: increased exploitation leads to increased profits — western colonizers understand this and use it to their advantage, at the cost of the third world woman worker.

Labor exploitation perpetuates sexism and racism

There are multiple arenas in which the third world woman provides her labor — whether it is through domestic duties, migrant care labor, or factory labor, third world women are increasingly entering the workforce as time goes on. We know that this labor is constituted under a global capitalism system, meaning that the work third world women participate in is automatically racialized and gendered. Capitalism requires that value be placed in labor, not the laborer — this value, then, must be interrogated. What labor is valued? Who fills these labor roles? How does one’s human value impact their level of labor exploitation? 

Picture from The Bergen Project.

Transnational feminisms point out that it is third world women who often provide the highly valued labor that sustains the network of global capitalism; however, it is at the cost of their wellbeing. Value is placed in the work these women do, just not in the women themselves — this is because capitalism reinforces gender and racial hierarchies. As soon as human worth becomes hierarchical, third world women with intersecting identities are disproportionately harmed. It is by viewing third world women as lower in value that their exploitation is constituted and reinforced. Thus, it is impossible to disconnect the consequences of racism, misogyny, global capitalism, and colonialism — it is the tangible impact of the third world woman’s exploitation that proves this.

Labor exploitation does not mean passive victimhood

Using a transnational feminist lens, there is recognition that financial liberation of third world women’s labor can exist in conjunction with criticism of the global systems and institutions that perpetuate cycles of labor exploitation. Many women seek factory labor, or care labor, or labor abroad because it provides a pathway for them to take control of their lives and pursue economic mobility. This sense of agency contradicts the all-too-common first world portrayal of the third world woman worker as a passive participant in her life, forced to work in challenging conditions despite her opposition. 

By assigning the status as helpless victim blindly and haphazardly to all third world women, one commits another practice of colonialism that Dina Siddiqi (2009) argues uses “gendered and racialized tropes” to victimize and demean the third world woman worker. (p. 158) I would argue that exploitation does not rely on the type of labor one performs; rather, all labor within a capitalist system exploits the worker. Instead of playing into colonial ideas regarding the women laborers themselves as powerless, one must utilize Transnational feminist principles to question the ways in which history and culture coincide to formulate binaries of value.

Dina Siddiqi at Columbia University, speaking on a panel discussion she led entitled “Framing Religion and Gender Violence: Beyond the Muslim Question. Picture from Columbia University.

Conclusion

The practices of colonialism implement rigid structures based on hierarchies of race, gender, and class in order to exploit the communities that have been colonized. The labor that falls under the guise of capitalism (which is most, if not all, existing labor) is work that is inherently gendered and racialized; therefore, it is essential to inquire the ways in which third world women’s labor is viewed in the eyes of global capitalism. This interrogation leads one to understand that there is no separation between historied and present-day colonialism with racist and sexist capitalist exploitation. In an overarching, powerful global system that works to denigrate the third world woman in a multitude of ways, it is Transnational feminisms that provides hope of justice for third world women. If these women can find a sense of liberation within power structures designed to destroy them, then the collapsing of these systems could lead to a world of true equity

Works Cited

Siddiqi, Dina M. “Do Bangladeshi Factory Workers Need Saving? Sisterhood in the Post-Sweatshop Era.” Feminist Review, vol. 91, 2009, pp. 154–174.

Introduction

There isn’t a facet of one’s life that colonialism doesn’t impact — third world women’s reproduction is representative of this. Similar to the seizure of land, the policing of reproduction and third world women’s bodies are a mark of the physical violence colonization embodies. Third world women’s reproduction is controlled through institutions and interpersonal relationships — all work together to police third world women and their children before, during, and after pregnancy.

Reproductive policing in practice: transnational surrogacy

An interesting and concerning growing trend that is emblematic of reproductive policing of the third world woman is the cultivation of transnational surrogacy. The progression of technology, as well as third world countries’ ever-increasing need to adhere to global capitalism, has coalesced into the transnational surrogacy industry. Women — typically from first world nations — who are infertile are now able to seek out third world women who are able to carry a pregnancy to term, thereby intensifying the medical tourism in which many third world countries rely upon.

Women conversing in a medical center for transnational surrogates. Picture from GirlTalkHQ.

There is a dichotomy between the problematic nature of transnational surrogacy and the fact that many third world women find this choice liberating due to the financial gain they receive. Transnational surrogacy is conducted within the realms of colonialism and capitalism — systems that inherently minoritize and oppress third world women; however, some find a sense of agency in resisting economic limitations that these systems impose. Transnational feminisms acknowledge these contradictions of agency and powerlessness: some third world women refuse to portray themselves as victims and see this tactic as liberating, albeit within a translational industry that polices their reproduction constantly.

In viewing all transnational surrogates as a woman without agency, a culture of victimhood is placed upon third world communities which, in turn, gives first world powers a green light to portray third world women as someone who needs saving — a common tactic utilized in western justification for colonialism. It is important that we as Transnational feminists do not participate in discourse that perpetuates the alignment of the third world woman as a powerless victim; nonetheless, we must conduct a balancing act by concurrently critiquing the transnational impacts of colonialism and global capitalism on third world women. 

Still, it is through this convoluted web of oppression vs. agency that reproductive policing of third world women falls victim to that allows Transnational feminists to interrogate the ways in which global power structures trickle down to the most personal levels of a person’s life. The connections between global and local, agency and impotence, oppression and liberation, and colonialism and justice all offer a roadmap into interrogating the role third world women play in reproductive policing. This means it is impossible to separate practices such as transnational surrogacy from the policing of third world women’s reproduction, from global capitalism, and from colonialism.

Works Cited

Deomampo, Daisy. “Transnational Surrogacy in India: Interrogating Power and Women’s Agency.” Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies, vol. 34, no. 3, 3 Nov. 2013, pp. 167–188.

Introduction

One of the most important takeaways from Transnational feminisms that I have learned this past semester is the overarching concept of the symbiotic relationship between the policing of third world women and the exploitation that tags along with it. This relationship is formulated, reproduced, and sustained through colonization — which in and of itself has various meanings for third world women. Western colonization of the world has been cultivated to near perfection for centuries. The violence of colonialism never ceases — it adapts to the wishes of the colonizer, which has always been the western world. 

It is through colonization that the world is what it is today — it is the reason I am writing about the policing of third world women and the exploitation they experience at the hands of their oppressor. It is the basis for all forms of oppression, for centuries of forced seizure of land through violence, and for the existence of global power structures. Thus, it is essential the foundation of this relationship between the policing and exploitation of third world women be examined and critiqued through a Transnational feminist lens.

A map of the world that represents the extent of first world colonialism. From Vox.com.

Colonization in the context of third world women

Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang (2012) write that academic theories regarding colonization typically settle on two forms of colonialism: external and internal colonialism. Although both forms exist inside the boundaries of settler colonialism, I think it is important to acknowledge the simultaneous distinctions and joined links between external, internal, and settler colonialism. Transnational feminisms acknowledge the interconnectedness of all forms of colonialism, for this interconnectedness persistently situates third world women in the oppressive structures they interact with everyday.

Settler colonization and third world women

The western world has long attributed the success of a nation to how much land that nation can obtain— no matter who is impacted along the way. This truth is demonstrated in the ways the west sought ownership of land that once belonged to other people. This system of colonialism is known as settler colonialism — a system in which violence is a prerequisite. 

Through the vehicle of violence and with the end goal being extermination, the first world transformed colonized land into property, which then became real estate — not surprisingly, real estate developed into profit for the colonizer. Settler colonialism cannot exist without viewing land as an object to be taken and commodified — there is no doing this without viewing groups of people as subhuman and exerting violence upon them.

Going through the background of settler colonialism is painful, but it is essential. The current lives of third world women are thoroughly intertwined with the histories of settler colonialism — histories that tell stories of physical, cultural, ideological, and social genocide. After genocide, the third world woman must undergo assimilation, meaning that she will be exposed to constant surveillance from the colonizer. Additionally, she will be forced to participate in the institutions that exist to denigrate her in order to uplift those who adhere to white supremacist, heteropatriarchal norms

Colombian protestors in 2019 advocating for female representation during national peace talks. Picture from Kristina Lunz.

The disproportionate surveillance of third world women and their lives is notable, because this surveillance usually takes the form of reproductive policing. Controlling the reproduction of third world women is one of the multitude of ways in which the first world attempts to sustain systems of colonialism. Critiquing reproductive policing in the thirld world must apply a Transnational feminist lens in order to adequately address the ways in which race, class, immigrant status, religion, and more impact this subject.

Additionally, one of the key features of settler colonialism is the transition of land to capitol, and people to laborers. This transition works within the whims of global capitalism, which is why this transition is usually filled with violence and exploitation — two adjectives synonymous with capitalism. In order to succeed within these rigid systems of colonialism and capitalism, the oppressor must create hierarchies of human value. Time and time again, these hierarchies rely upon white supremacy, patriarchal customs, and solidified class structures. The third world woman historically has, and continues to, suffer disproportionately as a result.

Internal colonization and third world women

As stated above, settler colonialism is the integration of internal and external colonialism; there is no separation simply because the colony is not separate from the home. Why is this? All colonialism is a premeditated force of violence that transitions from takeover, to annihilation, to inescapable assimilation. 

Internal colonialism is the “biopolitical and geopolitical management” of people and land within the domestic borders of the state. (Tuck & Yang, p. 4) In the third world, examples of this include policing, degradation, harassment, and violence towards third world women — anything to ensure the hierarchies of the elite. Strategies of internal colonialism are based in control, as it is through the controlling of a subject that that subject is more competently oppressed

Dr. K. Wayne Yang. Picture from Diablo Valley College.

Eve Tuck. Picture from evetuck.com.

The surveillance and policing that occurs as a consequence of internal colonialism is both relational and structural. This has staggering effects for third world women: they are subjected to a world that expects her to bend to the will of her oppressor, while at the same time expecting her to sustain the systems integral to the success of said oppression. 

Internal colonialism relies on hierarchies; therefore, colonial subjects must constantly be minoritized and racialized — and this is reinforced through institutions and social interactions. Third world women are then, in turn, at disproportionate harm, as it is their intersectional identities that situate them in the lower rungs of these hierarchies — deeming them as nearly worthless in human value. In viewing third world women as subhuman, western colonizers feel as though they are given license to assert their dominance in order to both control third world women, as well as maintain first world cultural supremacy. 

Pronouncements of controls upon third world women include reproductive policing, labor exploitation, sexual violence, imprisonment, limited education, and cultural degradation. These practices ensure oppression against third world women: as long as brutality is placed upon the lives of the colonial subject, control is always possible. In the same vein, internal colonialism and the routines that accompany it will continue to persist as long as these power structures prevail.

External colonization and third world women

The institutional and intersectional oppression that third world women face within the borders of their own nations also works to sustain external oppression, or what colonial scholars title external colonialism. Tuck and Yang define external colonialism as the extraction of people, resources, cultures, and more to move them across borders — and in doing so, “build[s] the wealth, the privilege, or feed the appetites of – the colonizers, who get marked as the first world.” (p. 4) It is through the colonization of land, and the internal colonialism that follows, that leads to external colonial practices. Although interrelated, it is important to characterize what external colonization is distinctly, and how the lives of third world women are impaired by this. 

The essence of external colonialism is the colonizer’s ability to take the labor and the resources from third world countries and manipulate them into something to be commodified and shipped across the globe. This manipulation requires force, usually through the avenue of first world militarization — there are too many accounts of first world militaries fabricating propaganda about “evil” third world countries that need first world military presence in order to sustain global peace. However, this is a facade; in order to maintain their elite status, as well as to control other people, colonizers establish loose justifications to place their presence on land in which they know they can exploit and commodify.

Needless to say, external colonialism has harrowing effects on third world women. In order to adequately extract the land’s resources, the land must be made attainable by displacing the people native to it. Displacement requires violence, which in and of itself is disproportionately placed upon third world women because violence relies on hierarchies — hierarchies that are racialized, gendered, and based on class. Transnational feminists cite displacement of native people in the third world for the benefit of the first world as the starting point in which third world women are forced into the system of global capitalism. 

To be economically efficient within global capitalism, institutions and the people apart of them must adhere to gender binaries and racial hierarchies. In doing so, the wellbeing of the third world woman is explicitly ignored, and her labor consistently exploited for the benefit of her oppressor. These are the prerequisites of external colonialism — once these practices are achieved, the third world becomes bound to the whims of global capitalism. 

Consequently, third world women must exist and work within the confines of a system that eliminates their ability to be fully autonomous and liberated. Simultaneously, they become a victim of and dependent upon a strong, interconnected global capitalist system — survival means participation. External colonialism forces third world countries to adhere to global financial institutions and practices that actively reinforce their marginalization. Third world women receive the brunt of this impact, as it is impossible to separate racism and heteropatriarchal norms from global capitalism — the work of Transnational feminisms confirms this.

Conclusion

The various injustices imposed by overarching acts of colonialism intersect with multiple issues to create marginalized placements for millions of impacted third world women. Despite there being categories of colonialism, none of these categories are mutually exclusive — they all coincide to further exploit and oppress persons in the third world locale. 

Thus, colonization is not something that should be examined unidimensionally. There are global impacts that work in tandem with more localized, intimate impacts. This, in turn, infiltrates the connection third world women have with themselves, their relationships, and the communities around them. Every integral practice, policy, and idea that infects each aspect and institution of the life of the third world woman can be traced back to settler colonialism — a system that requires internal and external colonialism.

Works Cited

Tuck, Eve, and K. Wayne Yang. “Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor.” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society , vol. 1, no. 1, 2012, pp. 1–40.